Egon Albrecht
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Yahoo don't let me post the damn article as a whole, so check the link btw.
Em Terça-feira, 29 de Agosto de 2017 23:37, Egon Albrecht <egon88@... escreveu:
The follow[/IMG]
By Thomas Müller of The New Nationalist
http://www.newnationalist.net/2017/08/2 ... ion-centre
Last week I was in Munich and at one point paid a visit to the National Socialism (NS) Documentation Centre. Obviously this is an enormous topic, so this article focuses on my notes of the peace-time period between 1933-1938 in Munich, which was the birthplace the Hitlerian movement.
For 14 years before coming to power in 1933, the NS had been embroiled in an epic political, cultural and social struggle with various leftist factions, including anarcho-communists or anti-fa of the kind showing up in 2017. There were also political opponents among the faux-democracy elements, typically Social Democrats. The Centre did a good job of providing the historical background and documents of the 1918-1933 situation in Munich.</h6>My focus during my visit was on how the NS dealt with political opponents upon coming to power. On March 9-10, 1933, the NS seized control of the police and key parts of the judiciary in Munich. However, in the initial takeover, only 4.5% of Munich’s civil servants were fired. Munich’s government at that point was already right-leaning with some NS in place through earlier democratic processes. It wasn’t until July 1934 that a larger firing in the Munich civil service was conducted, removing 83 civil servants and 250 city employees. This was mostly a standard spoils system move to reward and place loyal NS.
Cons[/IMG] The camp commander gives a speech to prisoners about to be released as part of the pardoning action of Christmas 1933.
During the Munich takeover between March and April 1933, the Gestapo detained and interrogated a list of around a thousand individuals — this in a city of over 800,000 that just experienced a decade and a half of political and social conflict. A hundred Social Democrats and 492 Communist opponents were sent to Dachau as political prisoners. There was a large release of these prisoners at Christmastime 1933. There were placards at the center of a number of NS opponents that I examined closely to gauge their fates. I then followed up online to get their stories. The results were revealing and not at all what I expected. A number of them left Germany undisturbed before and after the March-April “interviews.” The case of communist agitator Karl Stulzel was illustrative. He was roughed up in his March 9 talk with the Gestapo, released, detained several more times at later dates and died of natural causes in Munich in 1944. Thomas Wimmer, a red-leaning anti-NS Social Democrat who went on to become the mayor of Munich from 1948 to 1960, seemed to mostly be subjected to chats with police or Gestapo throughout the entire 1933-45 period. The case of Viktoria Hodl was even more revealing. Hodl was a Communist member of the Bavaria Landtag (legislature). Starting in 1933, she was imprisoned at Munich’s Stadelheim for three years. Upon release, she plotted against and resisted the regime until 1944, when she was finally arrested and sentenced to three years in prison. Incredibly, Hodl survived the entire NS period. Karl Vossler was a professor of linguistics in Munich. He was adamantly anti-NS and tried to openly lobby on behalf of his Jewish colleagues. He wasn’t removed from his position until October 1937 and was never arrested or detained. There were a dozen or so revenge type killings in 1934 at Dachau. One Erich (Maher- ? my handwriting illegible here) was a notorious anarcho-communist suspected of having blood on his hands. Also there was Fritz Gerlich, who published slurs and compromising sex scandals about NS elites in the Weimar period. Franz Stenzer was a high ranking Weimar Bavarian official and an influential communist. After the NS came to power he was arrested for organizing an underground resistance. He was killed in Dachau in what the NS maintained was an escape attempt. The narrative today was that he was murdered in cold blood. Allied occupation officials conducted an investigation, but nothing came of it. There was a chart that showed conviction charges for Dachau imprisonment in this earlier period in question and 95% was for communism and treason. Dachau in 1933-1937 had a capacity of 5000, but rarely had over 3000 inmates. Suggesting there was rule of law, the first Commandant of Dachau Hilmar Wäckerle was charged with murder and other abuses at the camp and dismissed. The prison at Stadelheim-Munich had seven executions between 1933-1936 versus hundreds in the war years. In contrast the Red Terror after the Bolshevik takeovers in Russia and Hungary (1919) involved immediate sweeps and executions of hundreds of thousands. As the Holocaust Museum states, Jews were not interned at Dachau during this period just for being Jewish: “During the early years relatively few Jews were interned in Dachau, and then usually because they belonged to one of the above groups.”
Of course, the Docu[/IMG]
Subsequent “[/IMG]“[/IMG] [/[/IMG]1. [/[/IMG][/IMG]2. [/[/IMG]As [/IMG]3. [/[/IMG]Act[/IMG]An Underground Life: Memoirs of a Gay Jew in Nazi Berlin, Beck claims “There was no problem being a homosexual Jew. “Everyone turned a blind eye to whatever we boys were up to with each other”. The actor Gustaf Grundgens whose homosexual affairs were as notorious as those of Roehm’s was appointed director of the State Theater. On October 29, 1937, Heinrich Himmler advised that actors and other artists could be arrested for Paragraph 175 offenses only with his personal consent, unless the police caught them in flagrante. TNN takeaway: Given the reputation of the Nazis for terror and retribution, the fates of their mortal enemies in the peace years was far more benign than I would have ever anticipated before looking over the Documentation Centre. The method used was more about intimidation, persuasion and public pillaring than bloodshed. For example, 1,500 people were convicted between 1933-1939 of the misdemeanor of “perfidy,” or trash talking the regime or German life. The punishment in the peace years was little more than embarrassment, humiliation and getting your name (aka doxxing) in the newspaper. We see this “shut it down” perfidy charge and doxxing all the time in the modern world being applied against those who don’t toe the line and narrative of (((certain groups))). There is nothing new under the sun. This softer form of NS gave way to much more brutality and repression under the severe pressure of total war and existential survival. Just as we have documented with the Allied war crimes, the gloves came off [see “Winston Churchill and the Starvation of 4 Million in Bengal” and “The Necessity of Dropping A-Bombs on Japan Was Another Evil Deception“]. There is no way I will deny serious NS wartime crimes and excesses given the evidence. The real lesson of war on a large scale is that the worst criminal elements of all sides emerge. The NS hardly had a monopoly.
Em Terça-feira, 29 de Agosto de 2017 23:37, Egon Albrecht <egon88@... escreveu:
The follow[/IMG]
By Thomas Müller of The New Nationalist
http://www.newnationalist.net/2017/08/2 ... ion-centre
Last week I was in Munich and at one point paid a visit to the National Socialism (NS) Documentation Centre. Obviously this is an enormous topic, so this article focuses on my notes of the peace-time period between 1933-1938 in Munich, which was the birthplace the Hitlerian movement.
For 14 years before coming to power in 1933, the NS had been embroiled in an epic political, cultural and social struggle with various leftist factions, including anarcho-communists or anti-fa of the kind showing up in 2017. There were also political opponents among the faux-democracy elements, typically Social Democrats. The Centre did a good job of providing the historical background and documents of the 1918-1933 situation in Munich.</h6>My focus during my visit was on how the NS dealt with political opponents upon coming to power. On March 9-10, 1933, the NS seized control of the police and key parts of the judiciary in Munich. However, in the initial takeover, only 4.5% of Munich’s civil servants were fired. Munich’s government at that point was already right-leaning with some NS in place through earlier democratic processes. It wasn’t until July 1934 that a larger firing in the Munich civil service was conducted, removing 83 civil servants and 250 city employees. This was mostly a standard spoils system move to reward and place loyal NS.
Cons[/IMG] The camp commander gives a speech to prisoners about to be released as part of the pardoning action of Christmas 1933.
During the Munich takeover between March and April 1933, the Gestapo detained and interrogated a list of around a thousand individuals — this in a city of over 800,000 that just experienced a decade and a half of political and social conflict. A hundred Social Democrats and 492 Communist opponents were sent to Dachau as political prisoners. There was a large release of these prisoners at Christmastime 1933. There were placards at the center of a number of NS opponents that I examined closely to gauge their fates. I then followed up online to get their stories. The results were revealing and not at all what I expected. A number of them left Germany undisturbed before and after the March-April “interviews.” The case of communist agitator Karl Stulzel was illustrative. He was roughed up in his March 9 talk with the Gestapo, released, detained several more times at later dates and died of natural causes in Munich in 1944. Thomas Wimmer, a red-leaning anti-NS Social Democrat who went on to become the mayor of Munich from 1948 to 1960, seemed to mostly be subjected to chats with police or Gestapo throughout the entire 1933-45 period. The case of Viktoria Hodl was even more revealing. Hodl was a Communist member of the Bavaria Landtag (legislature). Starting in 1933, she was imprisoned at Munich’s Stadelheim for three years. Upon release, she plotted against and resisted the regime until 1944, when she was finally arrested and sentenced to three years in prison. Incredibly, Hodl survived the entire NS period. Karl Vossler was a professor of linguistics in Munich. He was adamantly anti-NS and tried to openly lobby on behalf of his Jewish colleagues. He wasn’t removed from his position until October 1937 and was never arrested or detained. There were a dozen or so revenge type killings in 1934 at Dachau. One Erich (Maher- ? my handwriting illegible here) was a notorious anarcho-communist suspected of having blood on his hands. Also there was Fritz Gerlich, who published slurs and compromising sex scandals about NS elites in the Weimar period. Franz Stenzer was a high ranking Weimar Bavarian official and an influential communist. After the NS came to power he was arrested for organizing an underground resistance. He was killed in Dachau in what the NS maintained was an escape attempt. The narrative today was that he was murdered in cold blood. Allied occupation officials conducted an investigation, but nothing came of it. There was a chart that showed conviction charges for Dachau imprisonment in this earlier period in question and 95% was for communism and treason. Dachau in 1933-1937 had a capacity of 5000, but rarely had over 3000 inmates. Suggesting there was rule of law, the first Commandant of Dachau Hilmar Wäckerle was charged with murder and other abuses at the camp and dismissed. The prison at Stadelheim-Munich had seven executions between 1933-1936 versus hundreds in the war years. In contrast the Red Terror after the Bolshevik takeovers in Russia and Hungary (1919) involved immediate sweeps and executions of hundreds of thousands. As the Holocaust Museum states, Jews were not interned at Dachau during this period just for being Jewish: “During the early years relatively few Jews were interned in Dachau, and then usually because they belonged to one of the above groups.”
Of course, the Docu[/IMG]
Subsequent “[/IMG]“[/IMG] [/[/IMG]1. [/[/IMG][/IMG]2. [/[/IMG]As [/IMG]3. [/[/IMG]Act[/IMG]An Underground Life: Memoirs of a Gay Jew in Nazi Berlin, Beck claims “There was no problem being a homosexual Jew. “Everyone turned a blind eye to whatever we boys were up to with each other”. The actor Gustaf Grundgens whose homosexual affairs were as notorious as those of Roehm’s was appointed director of the State Theater. On October 29, 1937, Heinrich Himmler advised that actors and other artists could be arrested for Paragraph 175 offenses only with his personal consent, unless the police caught them in flagrante. TNN takeaway: Given the reputation of the Nazis for terror and retribution, the fates of their mortal enemies in the peace years was far more benign than I would have ever anticipated before looking over the Documentation Centre. The method used was more about intimidation, persuasion and public pillaring than bloodshed. For example, 1,500 people were convicted between 1933-1939 of the misdemeanor of “perfidy,” or trash talking the regime or German life. The punishment in the peace years was little more than embarrassment, humiliation and getting your name (aka doxxing) in the newspaper. We see this “shut it down” perfidy charge and doxxing all the time in the modern world being applied against those who don’t toe the line and narrative of (((certain groups))). There is nothing new under the sun. This softer form of NS gave way to much more brutality and repression under the severe pressure of total war and existential survival. Just as we have documented with the Allied war crimes, the gloves came off [see “Winston Churchill and the Starvation of 4 Million in Bengal” and “The Necessity of Dropping A-Bombs on Japan Was Another Evil Deception“]. There is no way I will deny serious NS wartime crimes and excesses given the evidence. The real lesson of war on a large scale is that the worst criminal elements of all sides emerge. The NS hardly had a monopoly.
